His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s Address to Members of the United States
Congress, Washington, D.C., September 21, 1987
The world is increasingly interdependent, so that lasting peace –
national, regional, and global – can only be achieved if we think in
terms of broader interest rather than parochial needs. At this time, it
is crucial that all of us, the strong and the weak, contribute in our
own way. I speak to you today as the leader of the Tibetan people and as
a Buddhist monk devoted to the principles of a religion based on love
and compassion. Above all, I am here as a human being who is destined to
share this planet with you and all others as brothers and sisters. As
the world grows smaller, we need each other more than in the past. This
is true in all parts of the world, including the continent I come from.
At present in Asia, as elsewhere, tensions are high. There are open
conflicts in the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and in my own country,
Tibet. To a large extent, these problems are symptoms of the underlying
tensions that exist among the area’s great powers. In order to resolve
regional conflicts, an approach is required that takes into account the
interests of all relevant countries and peoples, large and small. Unless
comprehensive solutions are formulated, that take into account the
aspirations of the people most directly concerned, piecemeal or merely
expedient measures will only create new problems.
The Tibetan people are eager to contribute to regional and world peace,
and I believe they are in a unique position to do so. Traditionally,
Tibetans are a peace loving and non-violent people. Since Buddhism was
introduced to Tibet over one thousand years ago, Tibetans have practiced
non-violence with respect to all forms of life. This attitude has also
been extended to our country’s international relations. Tibet’s highly
strategic position in the heart of Asia, separating the continent’s
great powers – India, China and the USSR – has throughout history
endowed it with an essential role in the maintenance of peace and
This is precisely why, in the past, Asia’s empires went to great lengths
to keep one another out of Tibet. Tibet’s value as an independent buffer
state was integral to the region’s stability. When the newly formed
People’s Republic of China invaded Tibet in 1949/50, it created a new
source of conflict. This was highlighted when, following the Tibetan
national uprising against the Chinese and my flight to India in 1959,
tensions between China and India escalated into the border war in 1962.
Today large numbers of troops are again massed on both sides of the
Himalayan border and tension is once more dangerously high.
The real issue, of course, is not the Indo-Tibetan border demarcation.
It is China’s illegal occupation of Tibet, which has given it direct
access to the Indian sub-continent. The Chinese authorities have
attempted to confuse the issue by claiming that Tibet has always been a
part of China. This is untrue. Tibet was a fully independent state when
the People’s Liberation Army invaded the country in 1949/50.
Since Tibetans emperors unified Tibet, over a thousand years ago, our
country was able to maintain its independence until the middle of this
century. At times Tibet extended its influence over neighboring
countries and peoples and, in other periods, came itself under the
influence of powerful foreign rulers – the Mongol Khans, the Gorkhas of
Nepal, the Manchu Emperors and the British in India.
It is, of course, not uncommon for states to be subjected to foreign
influence or interference,. Although so-called satellite relationships
are perhaps the clearest examples of this, most major powers exert
influence over less powerful allies or neighbors. As the most
authoritative legal studies have shown, in Tibet’s case, the country’s
occasional subjection to foreign influence never entailed a loss of
independence. And there can be no doubt that when Peking’s communist
armies entered Tibet, Tibet was in all respects an independent state.
China’s aggression, condemned by virtually all nations of the free
world, was a flagrant violation of international law. As China’s
military occupation of Tibet continues, the world should remember that
though Tibetans have lost their freedom, under international law Tibet
today is still an independent state under illegal occupation.
It is not my purpose to enter a political/legal discussion here
concerning Tibet’s status. I just wish to emphasize the obvious and
undisputed fact that we Tibetans are a distinct people with our own
culture, language, religion and history. But for China’s occupation,
Tibet would still, today, fulfill its natural role as a buffer state
maintaining and promoting peace in Asia.
It is my sincere desire, as well as that of the Tibetan people, to
restore to Tibet her invaluable role, by converting the entire country –
comprising the three provinces of U-Tsang, Kham and Amdo – once more
into a place of stability, peace and harmony. In the best of Buddhist
tradition, Tibet would extend its services and hospitality to all who
further the cause of world peace and the well-being of mankind and the
natural environment we share.
Despite the holocaust inflicted upon our people in the past decades of
occupation, I have always strived to find a solution through direct and
honest discussions with the Chinese. In 1982, following the change of
leadership in China and the establishment of direct contacts with the
government in Peking, I sent my representatives to Peking to open talks
concerning the future of my country and people.
We entered the dialogue with a sincere and positive attitude and with a
willingness to take into account the legitimate needs of the People’s
Republic of China. I hope that this attitude would be reciprocated and
that a solution could eventually be found which would satisfy and
safeguard the aspirations and interests of both parties. Unfortunately,
China has consistently responded to our efforts in a defensive manner,
as though our detailing of Tibet’s very real difficulties was criticism
for its own sake.
To our even greater dismay, the Chinese government misused the
opportunity for a genuine dialogue. Instead of addressing the real
issues facing the six million Tibetan people, China has attempted to
reduce the question of Tibet to a discussion of my own personal status.
It is against this background and in response to the tremendous support
and encouragement I have been given by you and other persons I have met
during this trip, that I wish today to clarify the principal issues and
to propose, in a spirit of openness and conciliation, a first step
towards a lasting solution. I hope this may contribute to a future of
friendship and cooperation with all of our neighbors, including the
This peace plan contains five basic components:
Transformation of the whole of Tibet into a zone of peace;
Abandonment of China’s population transfer policy which threatens
the very existence of the Tibetan’s as a people;
Respect for the Tibetan people’s fundamental human rights and
Restoration and protection of Tibet’s natural environment and the
abandonment of China’s use of Tibet for the production of nuclear
weapons and dumping of nuclear waste;
Commencement of earnest negotiations on the future status of Tibet
and of relations between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples.
Let me explain these five components.
propose that the whole of Tibet, including the eastern provinces of Kham
and Amdo, be transformed into a zone of “Ahimsa”, a Hindi term used to
mean a state of peace and non-violence.
The establishment of such a peace zone would be in keeping with Tibet’s
historical role as a peaceful and neutral Buddhist nation and buffer
state separating the continent’s great powers. It would also be in
keeping with Nepal’s proposal to proclaim Nepal a peace zone and with
China’s declared support for such a proclamation. The peace zone
proposed by Nepal would have a much greater impact if it were to include
Tibet and neighboring areas.
The establishing of a peace zone in Tibet would require withdrawal of
Chinese troops and military installations from the country, which would
enable India also to withdraw troops and military installations from the
Himalayan regions bordering Tibet. This would be achieved under an
international agreement which would satisfy China’s legitimate security
needs and build trust among the Tibetan, Indian, Chinese and other
peoples of the region. This is in everyone’s best interest, particularly
that of China and India, as it would enhance their security, while
reducing the economic burden of maintaining high troop concentrations on
the disputed Himalayan border.
Historically, relations between China and India were never strained. It
was only when Chinese armies marched into Tibet, creating for the first
time a common border, that tensions arose between these two powers,
ultimately leading to the 1962 war. Since then numerous dangerous
incidents have continued to occur. A restoration of good relations
between the world’s two most populous countries would be greatly
facilitated if they were separated – as they were throughout history –
by a large and friendly buffer region. To improve relations between the
Tibetan people and the Chinese, the first requirement is the creation of
trust. After the holocaust of the last decades in which over one million
Tibetans – one sixth of the population – lost their lives and at least
as many lingered in prison camps because of their religious beliefs and
love of freedom, only a withdrawal of Chinese troops could start a
genuine process of reconciliation. The vast occupation force in Tibet is
a daily reminder to the Tibetans of the oppression and suffering they
have all experienced. A troop withdrawal would be an essential signal
that in the future a meaningful relationship might be established with
the Chinese, based on friendship and trust.
The population transfer of Chinese into Tibet, which the government in
Peking pursues in order to force a “final solution” to the Tibetan
problem by reducing the Tibetan population to an insignificant and
disenfranchised minority in Tibet itself, must be stopped.
The massive transfer of Chinese civilians into Tibet in violation of the
Fourth Geneva Convention (1949) threatens the very existence of the
Tibetans as a distinct people. In the eastern parts of our country, the
Chinese now greatly outnumber Tibetans. In the Amdo province, for
example, where I was born, there are, according to Chinese statistics,
2.5 million Chinese and only 750,000 Tibetans. Even in so-called Tibet
Autonomous Region (i.e., central and western Tibet), Chinese government
sources now confirm that Chinese outnumber Tibetans. The Chinese
population transfer policy is not new. It has been systematically
applied to other areas before. Earlier in this century, the Manchus were
a distinct race with their own culture and traditions. Today only two to
three million Manchurians are left in Manchuria, where 75 million
Chinese have settled. In Eastern Turkistan, which the Chinese now call
Sinkiang, the Chinese population has grown from 200,000 in 1949 to 7
million, more than half of the total population of 13 million. In the
wake of the Chinese colonization of Inner Mongolia, Chinese number 8.5
million, Mongols 2.5 million. Today, in the whole of Tibet 7.5 million
Chinese settlers have already been sent, outnumbering the Tibetan
population of 6 million. In central and western Tibet, now referred to
by the Chinese as the “Tibet Autonomous Region”, Chinese sources admit
the 1.9 million Tibetans already constitute a minority of the region’s
population. These numbers do not take the estimated 300,000 – 500,000
troops in Tibet into account – 250,000 of them in the so- called Tibet
Autonomous Region. For the Tibetans to survive as a people, it is
imperative that the population transfer is stopped and Chinese settlers
return to China. Otherwise, Tibetans will soon be no more than a tourist
attraction and relic of a noble past.
Fundamental human rights and democratic freedoms must be respected in
Tibet. The Tibetan people must once again be free to develop culturally,
intellectually, economically and spiritually and to exercise basic
Human rights violations in Tibet are among the most serious in the
world. Discrimination is practiced in Tibet under a policy of
“apartheid” which the Chinese call “segregation and assimilation”.
Tibetans are, at best, second class citizens in their own country.
Deprived of all basic democratic rights and freedoms, they exist under a
colonial administration in which all real power is wielded by Chinese
officials of the Communist Party and the army. Although the Chinese
government allows Tibetan to rebuild some Buddhist monasteries and to
worship in them, it still forbids serious study and teaching of
religion. Only a small number of people, approved by the Communist
Party, are permitted to join the monasteries. While Tibetans in exile
exercise their democratic rights under a constitution promulgated by me
in 1963, thousands of our countrymen suffer in prisons and labor camps
in Tibet for their religious or political convictions.
Serious efforts must be made to restore the natural environment in
Tibet. Tibet should not be used for the production of nuclear weapons
and the dumping of nuclear waste.
Tibetans have a great respect for all forms of life. This inherent
feeling is enhanced by the Buddhist faith, which prohibits the harming
of all sentient beings, whether human or animal. Prior to the Chinese
invasion, Tibet was an unspoiled wilderness sanctuary in a unique
natural environment. Sadly, in the past decades the wildlife and the
forests of Tibet have been almost totally destroyed by the Chinese. The
effects on Tibet’s delicate environment have been devastating. What
little is left in Tibet must be protected and efforts must be made to
restore the environment to its balanced state. China uses Tibet for the
production of nuclear weapons and may also have started dumping nuclear
waste in Tibet. Not only does China plan to dispose of its own nuclear
waste but also that of other countries, who have already agreed to pay
Peking to dispose of their toxic materials. The dangers this presents
are obvious. Not only living generations, but future generations are
threatened by China’s lack of concern for Tibet’s unique and delicate
Negotiations on the future status of Tibet and the relationship between
the Tibetan and Chinese peoples should be started in earnest.
We wish to approach this subject in a reasonable and realistic way, in a
spirit of frankness and conciliation and with a view to finding a
solution that in the long term interest of all: the Tibetans, the
Chinese, and all other peoples concerned. Tibetans and Chinese are
distinct peoples, each with their own country, history, culture,
language and way of life. Differences among peoples must be recognized
and respected. They need not, however, form obstacles to genuine
cooperation where this is in the mutual benefit of both peoples. It is
my sincere belief that if the concerned parties were to meet and discuss
their future with an open mind and a sincere desire to find a
satisfactory and just solution, a breakthrough could be achieved. We
must all exert ourselves to be reasonable and wise, and to meet in a
spirit of frankness and understanding.
Let me end on a personal note. I wish to thank you for the concern and
support which you and so many of your colleagues and fellow citizens
have expressed for the plight of oppressed people everywhere. The fact
that you have publicly shown your sympathy for us Tibetans has already
had a positive impact on the lives of our people inside Tibet. I ask for
your continued support in this critical time in our country’s history.